Stability and comparability of meritocratic beliefs in school-age students: A measurement invariance approach across time and cohorts

Authors
Affiliations

Andreas Laffert

Instituto de Sociología, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile

Juan Carlos Castillo

Departamento de Sociología, Universidad de Chile

Centro de estudios del conflicto y cohesión social (COES)

Núcleo milenio de desigualdades y oportunidades digitales (NUDOS)

Kevin Carrasco

René Canales

Instituto de Sociología, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile

Abstract

Keywords:

This document was last modified at 2025-08-13 16:30:03 and it was last rendered at 2025-08-13 16:30:03.

1 Introduction

Despite rising economic inequality and limited social mobility in contemporary societies (Chancel et al., 2022; López-Roldán & Fachelli, 2021), meritocratic beliefs remain remarkably high among citizens (Mijs, 2019; Sandel, 2020). The belief that economic disparities are justified by differences in meritocratic elements— such as individual effort and talent (Young, 1958)—has been identified as a key mechanism to explain the persistence of inequalities. Educational institutions have played a central role in promoting these beliefs due to their historical association with the promise of mobility and opportunity (Batruch et al., 2022; Dubet, 2011). Yet, research increasingly shows that schools often reproduce rather than reduce social inequalities (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1990; Goudeau & Croizet, 2017). This contradiction has drawn attention to the role of schools in fostering meritocratic beliefs that operate as system-justifying ideologies, obscuring structural disadvantages (Jost & Hunyady, 2003; Lampert, 2013; Wiederkehr et al., 2015). Therefore, understanding how young people perceive and endorse these beliefs is crucial, as they shape educational experiences and reinforce broader narratives about fairness and inequality.

While meritocracy is often defined as a system in which rewards are distributed based on individual merit—namely, effort and ability (Young, 1958)—its conceptualization in empirical research remains fragmented. Across disciplines, meritocratic beliefs have been measured through diverse constructs, ranging from general attitudes about social mobility and distributive justice to implicit ideas about success and individual responsibility (Castillo et al., 2019; Trump, 2020). Most instruments rely on single-dimension items or fail to distinguish between descriptive and normative components of meritocratic reasoning. Moreover, few tools capture non-meritocratic logics—such as the perceived role of social origin, family wealth, or connections—in shaping outcomes (e.g. Kunovich & Slomczynski, 2007; Reynolds & Xian, 2014). This heterogeneity in conceptual and operational definitions hinders comparative research and limits the capacity to assess how individuals, especially in younger ages, interpret and internalize meritocracy. Addressing this measurement gap is particularly relevant in educational settings, where such beliefs are first socialized and may have long-term implications for attitudes toward inequality and justice (Batruch et al., 2022; Elenbaas, 2019).

Facing the challenges in conceptualization and measurement of meritocratic beliefs, Castillo et al. (2023) proposed a conceptual and measurement model from a multidimensional perspective. This work distinguishes between two dimensions of meritocratic beliefs: perceptions (how individuals think meritocracy operates in practice) and preferences (how they think it should operate). Although this approach has found support in adult population, so far it has not been applied to younger populations, particularly in educational contexts. Against this background, and with the aim of contributing to empirical research on the early formation of meritocratic beliefs (Batruch et al., 2022; Elenbaas, 2019), this study seeks to extend the work of Castillo et al. (2023) by evaluating the applicability of their conceptual and measurement framework among school-aged populations in Chile. Specifically, it assesses whether perceptions and preferences regarding meritocratic and non-meritocratic principles are stable across age cohorts, and consistent over time. By focusing on early adolescence—a formative stage for civic and moral socialization—this study explores how distributive beliefs emerge, develop, and potentially consolidate within school settings.

This study focuses on Chile, a particularly relevant context for examining meritocracy in education. Despite sustained economic growth and poverty reduction, Chile remains one of the most unequal countries in Latin America and the OECD (Chancel et al., 2022; Flores et al., 2020), partly rooted in neoliberal reforms that turned education into a competitive market (Boccardo, 2020; Madariaga, 2020). Implemented during the dictatorship and expanded in democracy, these reforms institutionalized school choice and public-private competition, generating a highly stratified and segregated educational system (Corvalán et al., 2017). While public discontent has driven important reforms, meritocratic narratives remain deeply embedded in students’ understandings of success and fairness (Canales Cerón et al., 2021).

1.1 Meritocratic perceptions and preferences

Meritocracy is often understood as a normative principle that justifies the allocation of rewards and opportunities based on effort and talent. Originally proposed by Young (1958) in his dystopian novel, the concept was intended to critique a social order in which power is justified by achievement and social mobility mainly drive by merit. Despite this critical origin, meritocracy has been widely accepted as a principle of equity: the idea that people should be rewarded based on their effort and talent, rather than inherited privileges (Van De Werfhorst, 2024). However, as Sandel (2020) argues, the promise of meritocracy often becomes a source of inequality, as those who succeed are encouraged to believe they deserve it, while those who fail are forced to internalize the blame. Rather than mitigating inequality, meritocratic ideals can reinforce it by disguising structural disadvantage as a personal deficiency (Mijs, 2016).

Recent research has emphasized the need to decompose the term of “meritocratic beliefs”, distinguish between meritocratic preferences and meritocratic perceptions (Castillo et al., 2023). While preferences refer to normative ideas about how social rewards should be allocated based on merit (which should be the case), perceptions refer to subjective evaluations of how meritocracy operates in society (which is the case). This distinction allows for a more precise understanding of how people interpret inequality: they may regard merit as an ideal, while recognizing that society’s institutions often fail to deliver on this promise. In stratified societies, this gap between preferences and perceptions becomes particularly evident. People may continue to normatively believe in meritocracy even in the face of evidence that opportunities are unequally distributed (Mijs, 2019). Moreover, experimental evidence shows that making the unobserved potential of less fortunate individuals visible can reduce winners’ self-perceived deservingness and increase their willingness to redistribute, underscoring the interplay between perceptions of justice and redistribution (wiese_unveiling_2025?).

Several empirical studies have examined the social foundations and consequences of meritocratic beliefs, particularly among adult populations. Consistent findings indicate that individuals with higher levels of education, income, and occupational prestige are more likely to endorse meritocratic explanations for social outcomes (García-Sánchez et al., 2018; Mijs, 2019). These beliefs are not merely cognitive assessments or moral evaluations; they carry substantial implications for how people perceive fairness and redistribution. Individuals who view society as rewarding merit tend to justify existing inequalities and are less inclined to support redistributive policies (Hauser & Norton, 2017; Reynolds & Xian, 2014). Recent research further shows that exposure to meritocratic narratives reinforces the belief that poverty stems from individual failings rather than structural conditions, thereby decreasing support for redistribution and increasing the stigmatization of the poor (Hoyt et al., 2023). This dynamic contributes to the persistence of negative stereotypes and diminishes empathy toward those from disadvantaged socioeconomic backgrounds. Moreover, Busemeyer et al. (Busemeyer et al., 2021) argue that meritocratic narratives function as feedback mechanisms that shape public opinion and subjective well-being by framing welfare outcomes as deserved or undeserved within existing institutional frameworks. In doing so, meritocratic beliefs shift responsibility for success or failure onto individuals, obscure the role of structural factors, and ultimately reinforce the legitimacy of the status quo.

1.2 The socialization of meritocracy: families and schools

Socialization refers to the process by which individuals internalize social norms, values, and practices, thereby acquiring the dispositions necessary to function in society. Far from being neutral, this process is rooted in structures of power and inequality. From a sociological perspective, Bourdieu (2007) conceptualizes socialization as an orientation that shapes individuals’ perceptions and actions, often without their conscious awareness. In a complementary manner, Bandura (1969) emphasizes the role of social learning, through which children adopt patterns of behavior and value systems modeled by their families. Therefore, the internalization of meritocratic beliefs—such as the idea that effort and talent are the primary determinants of success—is not simply a rational decision, but the result of deep, structured, and class-dependent socialization processes.

Families play a fundamental role in shaping meritocratic orientations. Parenting practices reflect social class strategies aimed at preserving or enhancing social status (Bernstein, 2005; Bourdieu & Passeron, 1990). Higher-status families tend to transmit symbolic-relational values such as autonomy, self-expression, and personal responsibility, closely aligned with the meritocratic ideals promoted in schools (Santander Ramírez et al., 2020). On the other hand, families from disadvantaged backgrounds may emphasize discipline, effort, and obedience; values that are also meritocratic, but often dissociated from the institutional resources necessary to achieve upward mobility. Through explicit discourse and lived experience, children absorb messages about success, fairness, and responsibility, which often reflect their parents’ attitudes and expectations (Bandura, 1969).

The Chilean educational system offers a unique setting for examining the school-based socialization of meritocratic beliefs. As one of the most market-driven educational systems in the world, Chile has experienced decades of neoliberal reform that reshaped its educational landscape around principles of privatization, competition, and individual responsibility (Boccardo, 2020; Madariaga, 2020). Introduced during the military dictatorship (1973-1989) and consolidated under democratic governments, this model relies on public subsidies to families, a strong presence of private providers, and mechanisms that stratify access based on socioeconomic background (Bellei, 2013; Valenzuela et al., 2013). In this context, schools are not merely sites of learning but also institutional spaces where students are exposed to—and absorb—norms of competition, performance, and accountability. These conditions not only entrench structural inequalities but also foster a cultural environment in which individual success is interpreted as the outcome of merit, obscuring the influence of unequal starting points (Dubet, 2011).

Central to this process is the school-based dissemination of meritocratic beliefs—understood as the idea that effort and talent should determine educational outcomes and future opportunities. In the school context, the distinction between preferences and perceptions is crucial: students may endorse merit as a fair principle for distributing rewards while simultaneously doubting whether their school environment truly operates under such ideals. Empirical studies in Chile show that students who affirm the importance of effort and intelligence for achieving good grades (i.e., high meritocratic preferences), yet they are more ambivalent about whether these criteria are fairly applied in society and school (i.e., perceptions) (Castillo et al., 2024). This gap reveals how the school simultaneously cultivates belief in meritocratic ideals and reproduces the very inequities that challenge their validity.

Schools play a central role in reinforcing these beliefs through mechanisms of classification, evaluation, and public recognition. Grades, awards, and distinctions function as institutional markers of “merit”, shaping students’ understanding of achievement as individually earned rather than socially conditioned (Resh & Sabbagh, 2014). This framing often leads students—regardless of their social background—to attribute academic success or failure to personal effort, reinforcing individualistic explanations and limiting awareness of structural barriers (Darnon et al., 2018). As Lampert (2013) notes, the meritocratic school systematically rewards a minority while instilling in the majority a sense of personal failure and worthlessness. Despite this, children and adolescents—even from disadvantaged backgrounds—frequently internalize meritocratic narratives, suggesting that school-based exposure is a powerful force in shaping students’ beliefs about inequality and justice (Henry & Saul, 2006).

The consequences of this meritocratic socialization extend beyond the classroom. As shown by Castillo et al. (2024), students who perceive higher levels of meritocracy in their schools—particularly those who believe that effort and talent are justly rewarded—are more likely to justify unequal access to education, healthcare, and pensions based on individuals’ economic means. These market justice preferences reflect a broader tendency to accept or legitimize inequality as a fair outcome of differential contributions. Notably, these associations are strongest in high-status schools, where academic performance and social privilege are more prevalent. This suggests that school environments not only shape academic trajectories but also contribute to the cultural reproduction of inequality by reinforcing ideological support for market-based distributive logics. In this way, the school emerges as a central institution in the moral economy of neoliberal societies: one that not only sorts individuals by performance but also legitimates the stratification it helps to produce.

2 Method

2.1 Participants and Procedure

This study draws on secondary data from the Panel Survey on Education and Meritocracy (EDUMER) for its 2023 and 2024 waves for school-age students. The primary objective is to examine students’ beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors concerning meritocracy, inequality, and citizenship. Data collection was carried out by a professional research firm using a Computer-Assisted Web Interviewing (CAWI) approach, based on online questionnaires administered to sixth-grade and first-year secondary students from nine schools located in the Metropolitan and Valparaíso regions of Chile. The sampling strategy was non-probabilistic and lacked quota controls; however, a minimum sample size of 900 students was established to ensure adequate statistical power. All participants were provided with an informed consent form that was reviewed and validated by a parent or legal guardian. The final analytical sample comprises 846 students for the first wave (386 girls, 421 boys, 39 identifying as other; M_{age} = 13.4, SD_{age} = 1.6), and the second wave followed 662 of them (303 girls, 338 boys, 21 identifying as other; M_{age} = 14.4, SD_{age} = 1.6).

2.2 Measures

Scale of Perceptions and Preferences on Meritocracy: The variables included in the measurement model for meritocratic and non-meritocratic perceptions and preferences are operationalized according to the items proposed in the original scale. Perception of meritocracy is measured by two items that assess the level of agreement with the idea that effort and ability are rewarded in Chile, while non-meritocratic perception is measured by two items evaluating the agreement that success is linked to connections and family wealth. Preference for meritocracy is measured by two items that evaluate agreement with the idea that those who work harder or are more talented should be more rewarded. Preference for non-meritocratic aspects is measured by two indicators assessing agreement that it is acceptable for individuals with better connections or wealthy parents to achieve greater success (see Table 1). Each item is rated on a four-point Likert scale ranging from “strongly disagree” (1) to “strongly agree” (4).

Table 1: Items for perceptions and preferences for meritocracy scale
Components Dimensions Item (English) Item original (Spanish)
Perception Meritocratic In Chile people are rewarded for their efforts En Chile las personas son recompensadas por sus esfuerzos
In Chile people are rewarded for their intelligence and ability En Chile las personas son recompensadas por su inteligencia y habilidad
Non meritocratic In Chile those with wealthy parents do much better in life En Chile a quienes tienen padres ricos les va mucho mejor en la vida
In Chile those with good contacts do much better in life En Chile a quienes tienen buenos contactos les va mejor en la vida
Preference Meritocratic Those who work harder should reap greater rewards than those who work less hard Quienes más se esfuerzan deberían obtener mayores recompensas que quienes se esfuerzan menos
Those with more talent should reap greater rewards than those with less talent Quienes poseen más talento deberían obtener mayores recompensas que quienes poseen menos talento
Non meritocratic It is good that those who have rich parents do better in life Está bien que quienes tengan padres ricos les vaya mejor en la vida
It is good that those who have good contacts do better in life Está bien que quienes tengan buenos contactos les vaya mejor en la vida

Cohort level: To differentiate students’ academic levels across waves for conditional and multigroup invariance analyses, we created a variable indicating whether each student belonged to the primary or secondary school cohort at the time of the survey. This classification allows us to account for developmental differences between and within students. The composition of the cohorts is detailed in Table 2.

Table 2: Descriptive statistics for cohort level
Age
Gender
Cohort level N Mean SD Man Women Others
Primary 725 12.28 0.74 356 336 33
Secondary 783 15.22 0.92 403 353 27

2.3 Analytical strategy

To evaluate the underlying structure of the scale, we employed Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) based on a measurement model with four latent factors, using Diagonally Weighted Least Squares with robust correction (WLSMV) estimation. This estimator is particularly suitable for ordinal data, such as four-point Likert-type scales, as it avoids the bias associated with treating categorical data as continuous (Kline, 2023).

Model fit was assessed following the guidelines of Brown (2015), using several indices: the Comparative Fit Index (CFI) and the Tucker-Lewis Index (TLI), with acceptable values above 0.95; the Root Mean Square Error of Approximation (RMSEA), with values below 0.06 indicating good fit; and the Chi-square statistic (acceptable fit indicated by p > 0.05 and a Chi-square/df ratio < 3).

A key contribution of this study lies in assessing the metric stability of the measurement model through factorial invariance testing (Davidov et al., 2014). We implemented two complementary strategies: invariance across cohorts (primary vs. secondary school students) and longitudinal invariance using two panel waves. Given the ordinal nature of the items, we estimated measurement invariance using methods appropriate for ordered categorical measures, following Liu et al. (2017) analysis. Setting a hierarchical approach, we tested four nested models: configural (equal factorial structure), metric (equal factor loadings), scalar (equal intercepts and thresholds), and strict invariance (equal residual variances).

In addition to the traditional Chi-square difference test for model comparisons, we used changes in fit indices to assess invariance: a change in CFI (\Delta \geq -0.010) and RMSEA (\Delta \geq 0.0) were adopted as more robust and sample-size-independent criteria, following Chen’s recommendations (2007).

All analyses were performed using the lavaan package in R version 4.2.2. The hypotheses of this research were pre-registered on the Open Science Framework (OSF), hosted by the Center of Open Science.

3 Results

3.1 Descriptive statistics

3.2 Cohort Invariance Test

The diagram shows the standardized factor loadings estimated with WLSMV for the primary and secondary cohorts. One of the first findings is that within each cohort, the loadings vary depending on the factor. In the case of the primary education model, the loadings of both meritocratic perception indicators differ as perception of effort at .60 and perception of talent at .71, so the meritocratic perception factor explains talent more than effort. In contrast, in the meritocratic preferences factor, the loadings vary greatly, with preference for effort being .46 and preference for talent being .86. This suggests that the factor explains the second item more than the first. Finally, the indicators of the non-meritocratic preferences factor vary, but not as strongly.

In the secondary education model, some similarities can be seen in comparison to the primary model. The indicators of the meritocratic perception factor have slightly higher loadings than in the previous model, but they do not differ as much from each other. The difference in the indicators of meritocratic preference is reversed, with preference for effort becoming the highest (.76) and preference for talent the lowest (0.41). With regard to non-meritocratic preferences, the indicators have much more similar factor loadings than in the primary school model.

Table 3: Summary fit indices of three models
Fit indexes by model
chisq df pvalue cfi tli rmsea srmr
General 41.026 14 0.000 0.989 0.978 0.048 0.039
Primary 36.295 14 0.001 0.975 0.951 0.063 0.049
Secondary 10.877 14 0.696 1.000 1.004 0.000 0.029

Table 3 shows the fit indices for each of the three models. All models achieved a non-significant chi-square, which could be expected given their sensitivity to large samples, such as those used in this study.

The first model is the general model, i.e., the one that includes primary and secondary school students. It can be seen that it has good fit indices (CFI=0.989, RMSEA=0.048, \chi^2(df=14)=41.026), so we can conclude that the four latent factor scale works well for students.

The second model contains data from primary students. In this case, the fit indices work acceptable (CFI=0.975, RMSEA=0.063, \chi^2(df=14)=36. 295). In this case, the scale has less validation than for the previous model.

It is noteworthy that, for the secondary education model, most indicators have values that are close to perfect (CFI=1, RMSEA=0, \chi^2(df=14)=11.779). However, the results of this model could be overfitting, so they should be interpreted with caution.

Model χ^2 (df) CFI RMSEA (90 CI) Δ χ^2 (Δ df) Δ CFI Δ RMSEA Decision
Configural 24.95 (26) 1.000 0 (0-0.037) 0 (0) 0.000 0.000 Reference
Weak 47.88 (34) 0.995 0.031 (0-0.05) 22.929 (8) *** -0.005 0.031 Reject
Strong 59.66 (38) 0.992 0.037 (0.017-0.054) 11.785 (4) ** -0.003 0.006 Reject

The results of the different invariance models are displayed at the previous table. To examine invariance across cohorts the same steps in Dubravka et al. (2019) were followed, who propose the estimation of three models: the configural model, another restricting the thresholds, and finally restricting the thresholds and factor loadings.

The configural model was first estimated, which maintains the same factor structure for both baseline and midline. The configural model has good fit indices (CFI = 0.992, RMSEA = 0.037), so there is empirical evidence that the factor structure behaves stably in both groups.

Looking at the thresholds restricted model, it appears that when thresholds are restricted to equality, the four-factor latent model is not equivalent across the two cohorts in the study in accordance with Chen (2007) (\DeltaCFI -.014 < -. 01); \DeltaRMSEA .019 > .015). This result implies that by restricting thresholds, the meritocracy scale varies between primary and secondary education. In this case, invariance is not satisfied.

The level represented as strong restricts both thresholds and factor loadings. When compared with the previous level of invariance, it can be seen that the criteria for assuming that the meritocracy scale remains stable across cohorts are not met either. (\DeltaCFI -.005 < -. 01); \DeltaRMSEA .003 < .015), so invariance is rejected.

It is pertinent to ask to what extent these results are due to the instability of the secondary education model. An attempt was made to resolve its overfitting, but this was not possible, which may have had direct implications for this part of the analysis.

3.3 Longitudinal Invariance

A series of nested confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) models were estimated to assess the longitudinal measurement invariance of the constructs across the two waves of the study. The evaluation began with the configural model, which allows all parameters (loadings, intercepts, and residuals) to vary freely and just compare the same factor structure within individuals in time. This model served as the baseline for subsequent comparisons and demonstrated good fit to the data, with \chi^2(68) = 117.7, a Comparative Fit Index (CFI) of 0.991, and a Root Mean Square Error of Approximation (RMSEA) of 0.035, with a 90% confidence interval ranging from 0.024 to 0.046. These indices suggest that the same factorial structure is replicated across time points, meaning that the general configuration of items and latent variables remains stable.

Table 4: Longitudinal invariance results
Model χ^2 (df) CFI RMSEA (90 CI) Δ χ^2 (Δ df) Δ CFI Δ RMSEA Decision
Configural 117.7 (68) 0.991 0.035 (0.024-0.046) 0 (0) 0 0.000 Reference
Weak 122.51 (72) 0.990 0.034 (0.024-0.045) 4.809 (4) 0 -0.001 Accept
Strong 128.53 (80) 0.991 0.032 (0.021-0.042) 6.02 (8) 0 -0.002 Accept
Strict 130.17 (84) 0.991 0.031 (0.02-0.04) 1.635 (4) 0 -0.002 Accept

Subsequently, the weak invariance model was tested by constraining the factor loadings to be equal across waves. This model also showed a fit that passes the acceptable standards indicated by the literature: \chi^2(72) = 122.51, CFI = 0.990, RMSEA = 0.034 (90% CI: 0.024–0.045). The comparison with the configural model revealed a negligible and non-significant change in model fit, with \Delta \chi^2(4) = 4.809, \DeltaCFI = 0.000, and \DeltaRMSEA = -0.001. These results support the assumption of weak invariance, indicating that the strength of the relationship between items and latent constructs is consistent over time, i.e., within students.

The strong invariance model introduced additional constraints by setting item intercepts and loadings equal across time points, in addition to the equality of thresholds. Fixing thresholds is relevant to ensure that response categories represent equivalent levels of the latent construct across group or time. Whitout threshold invariance, comparisons of latent means may be biased due to differences in how caregories are interpreted rather than true differences in the construct (Liu et al., 2017). This model yielded a \chi^2(80) = 128.53, CFI = 0.991, and RMSEA = 0.032 (90% CI: 0.021–0.042). The changes in fit statistics relative to the weak model were \Delta \chi^2(8) = 6.02, \DeltaCFI = 0.000, and \DeltaRMSEA = -0.002. These minimal differences suggest that the additional constraints did not significantly impair the model’s fit. Therefore, strong invariance is supported, meaning that individuals with the same latent trait level are expected to have the same observed item scores across waves.

Finally, the strict invariance model imposed equality constraints on residual variances in addition to the loadings and intercepts. This model also showed good fit: \chi^2(84) = 130.17, CFI = 0.991, RMSEA = 0.031 (90% CI: 0.020–0.040). The comparison with the strong model revealed a \Delta \chi^2(4) = 1.635, \DeltaCFI = 0.000, and \DeltaRMSEA = -0.002. These changes are minimal and fall well within recommended thresholds for model comparison, indicating that strict invariance is also supported.

In summary, the results support full longitudinal measurement invariance—configural, weak, strong, and strict—suggesting that the constructs are measured equivalently across time. This justifies meaningful comparisons of latent means, variances, and covariances over time, and provides strong evidence of the temporal stability and psychometric robustness of the measurement model. However, it remains important to explore possible sources of misfit or localized non-invariance that could inform refinements to further improve the model.

In parallel, to detect potential sources of local misfit and evaluate the robustness of longitudinal measurement invariance, an univariate score tests was estimated at each level of the invariance hierarchy: configural, metric (weak), scalar (strong), and strict. Using the lavTestScore() function in lavaan, we tested whether specific equality constraints—such as equal loadings, thresholds, or residual variances across time—introduced statistically significant misfit. This method enables the identification of individual parameters that may violate invariance assumptions, even when global model fit remains acceptable.

Across all three constrained models (metric, scalar, and strict), the score tests revealed no significant violations. At the metric level, all loading constraints were supported. In the scalar model, both loadings and thresholds showed stability over time, with no indication of misfit. Finally, under strict invariance, residual variances and thresholds were also found to be invariant across waves. The largest test statistic (\chi^2 = 3.829, p = .050) was observed for a threshold in preference for talent indicator, yet this did not reach significance.

These results provide strong evidence that full longitudinal measurement invariance holds in the data. The measurement model is stable over time in terms, supporting meaningful comparison of latent variable means, variances, and structural relations across time. Full results of the score tests, including all tested constraints and their associated statistics, are presented in the supplementary materials.

3.4 Conditional Longitudinal Invariance

Although no evidence was found in favor of measurement invariance between cohorts, the analysis nevertheless explored the potential heterogeneity associated with cohort differences, given the plausible expectation of their impact on socialization processes. To evaluate the robustness of longitudinal measurement invariance over time while accounting for these effects, a series of nested models were estimated, both with and without controlling for cohort through a dummy variable predicting each latent factor.

All models presented fit indices that exceed commonly accepted standards in the literature, with CFI values above .990 and RMSEA values below .035. The configural model (\chi^2 = 117.70, df = 68, CFI = .991, RMSEA = .035 [.024–.046]) served as the baseline, and subsequent models imposing equality constraints on factor loadings (weak invariance), intercepts (strong invariance), and residual variances (strict invariance) showed negligible changes in fit indices (e.g., \DeltaCFI ≤ .001 across all steps). This pattern held even after including cohort as a covariate: for instance, the strict invariance model with cohort control yielded \chi^2 = 134.21 (df = 92), CFI = .991, and RMSEA = .028 [.017–.038], closely resembling the model without cohort control (\chi^2 = 130.17, df = 84, CFI = .991, RMSEA = .031 [.020–.040]). These results support the conclusion that full longitudinal measurement invariance is maintained, regardless of cohort-related heterogeneity.

Table 5: Conditional longitudinal invariance by cohort level
Model χ^2 (df) CFI RMSEA (90 CI) Δ χ^2 (Δ df) Δ CFI Δ RMSEA Decision
Configural 122.27 (76) 0.990 0.032 (0.021-0.042) 0 (0) 0.000 0.000 Reference
Weak 126.95 (80) 0.990 0.032 (0.021-0.042) 4.684 (4) 0.000 -0.001 Accept
Strong 128.55 (88) 0.991 0.028 (0.017-0.038) 1.598 (8) 0.001 -0.004 Accept
Strict 131.64 (92) 0.991 0.027 (0.016-0.037) 3.086 (4) 0.000 -0.001 Accept

Substantively, these results suggest that the factor structure and measurement properties of the constructs are stable over time and are not significantly influenced by cohort membership. The consistency of the fit indices before and after controlling for cohort indicates that observed longitudinal invariance is not an artifact of generational differences. This strengthens the validity of our interpretations regarding temporal stability and change in the latent constructs under study.

4 Discussion

5 Conclusion

6 References

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